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Political killings in the Philippines (2001–10) : ウィキペディア英語版
Political killings in the Philippines (2001–10)

The political killings in the Philippines are a series of extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances of Left-wing politicians and activists, journalists, human rights advocates, the political opposition, and outspoken clergy that have increased dramatically since 2001.
Numerous actors are said to be responsible for these killings which include the New People's Army and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. Left-wing political groups, such as the Bagong Alyansang Makabayan, meanwhile blame the Armed Forces of the Philippines, the Philippine National Police, the Citizen Armed Force Geographical Unit, and government-backed militias. They state that it is part of the official government policy of eradicating the threat from the insurgency of the Communist Party of the Philippines and was officially sanctioned by the government of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo with the codename of Oplan Bantay Laya (Operation Plan Bantay Laya).
These series of events have placed the Philippines on the human rights watch lists of the United Nations and the United States Congress. Philip Alston, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial killings has criticized the Philippine government for not doing enough to stop the killings, many of which had been linked to government anti-insurgency operations.
==Background==
(詳細はGloria Macapagal-Arroyo in 2001. These include extrajudicial harassment, torture, disappearances and murder of civilian non-combatants by the military and police. The events are thought to be linked to the "War on Terrorism" in 2001 and includes more than 850 mainstream journalists and other public figures and the harassment, detention, or torture of untold more.
Many commentators have criticized the killings, such as James Petras and Robin Eastman-Abaya, who have said that ''"Human rights groups provide evidence that death squads operate under the protective umbrella of regional military commands, especially the U.S.-trained Special Forces"''.〔(CounterPunch: "America's Best Political Newsletter" )〕 The historian, E. San Juan, Jr., meanwhile, writes that the estimates of killings vary on the precise number, with the government estimating only 114. It has failed to gain any convictions, and as of February 2007 had only arrested 3 suspects in the over 100 cases of assassination.〔(E. San Juan, Jr., "Class Struggle and Socialist Revolution in the Philippines: Understanding the Crisis of U.S. Hegemony, Arroyo State Terrorism, and Neoliberal Globalization" )〕 He also alleges that the Arroyo government initially made no response to the dramatic increase in violence and killings writing that the ''"Arroyo has been tellingly silent over the killing and abduction of countless members of opposition parties and popular organizations"''. He later writes in February 2007, that the United Nations Special Rapporteur Philip Alston implicated the Philippine police and military as responsible for the crimes, and in his report, Alston charged Arroyo’s propaganda and counter-insurgency strategy with the act that ''“encourage or facilitate the extra-judicial killings of activists and other enemies”'' of the state.〔 Article written by E. San Juan, Jr. for Bay Area Indymedia. Republished by "Asian Human Rights Commission in News".〕 and that "the AFP remains in a state of almost total denial… of its need to respond effectively and authentically to the significant number of killings which have been convincingly attributed to them"〔
The online publication Bulatlat states that'' "()ccording to a recent international fact-finding mission of Dutch and Belgian judges and lawyers, (government-created body ) Task Force Usig 'has not proven to be an independent body…the PNP has a poor record as far as the effective investigation of the killings is concerned and is mistrusted by the Philippine people"''. Task Force Usig dismissed nearly half of the 114 cases of assassination as "cold" and, of the 58 cases where charges were brought, has secured only convictions only twice.〔(A Human Rights Watch Submission to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights regarding the Universal Periodic Review of the Republic of the Philippines ) ''Human Rights Watch'' 2003〕〔(E. San Juan, Jr., "Class Struggle and Socialist Revolution in the Philippines: Understanding the Crisis of U.S. Hegemony, Arroyo State Terrorism, and Neoliberal Globalization" )〕
As a result of the state of emergency in 2006, Presidential Proclamation 1017 was signed by Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, which according to Cher S Jimenez writing in Asia Times Online, ''"grants exceptional unchecked powers to the executive branch, placing the country in a state of emergency and permitting the police and security forces to conduct warrantless arrests against enemies of the state, including...members of the political opposition and journalists from critical media outlets. With 185 dead, 2006 is so far (2007) the highest annual mark for extrajudicial government murders. Of the 2006 killings, the dead were "mostly left-leaning activists, murdered without trial or punishment for the perpetrators", the issuance of the proclamation conspicuously coincided with a dramatic increase in political violence and extrajudicial killings''.
Current Secretary of Justice and former Human Rights Commissioner Leila de Lima has stated that she seeks a resolution to the problem. ''The New York Times'' reported in 2010 that an estimated 1,200 civilians have died due to the campaign.〔Conde, Carlos. (Leftist Activist Is Slain in Philippines ). ''The New York Times''. Published on July 5, 2010.〕
On August 2010, the Armed Forces of the Philippines announced that the counter-insurgency program would end by December 31, 2010.〔() (''The Philippine Daily Inquirer'').〕〔(). (''The Philippine Star'')〕〔() GMA News
Bagong Alyansang Makabayan condemned the extension.〔http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/breakingnews/nation/view/20100816-287112/Activists-slam-extension-of-Oplan-Bantay-Laya〕

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